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THE SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION. 



SPEECH 



HON. PJCHAPiD A. HARRISON; 

OF OHIO. 




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DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF EEPBE8ENTATIVES, JANUARY 23, 18C2. 



The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, 
Mr. Harrison addressed the Committee as follows : 

Mr. Chairman : There is no disagreement among the loyal, 
Union-loving citizens of the country relative to what is and ought to 
be the object of the General Government in this great crisis of onr 
domestic troubles as a nation. All the true friends of the Republic 
agree — nay, not only agree, but insist — that the object of the contest 
on our part is, and should be, to put down rebellion against the lawful 
authority of the national Government ; that our sole purpose is to 
vindicate the supremacy of the Constitution, preserve the integrity of 
the Union, execute the laws of the land, establish permanent peaoe 
and security within our national jurisdiction, and maintain Republican 
liberty upon this continent. 

The only question which gives rise to controversy is this : How 
should those great and patriotic objects be attained ? 

No subject of greater interest and importance hag ever engaged, or 
will ever demand, the attention of an American citizen or statesman. 
It is of incalculable magnitude and moment in every aspect and in all 
its bearings. In a word, it involves the fate of the Republic and the 
destiny of generations. This question should therefore be dispassion- 
ately, anxiously, and thoroughly considered. In its examination av<" 
should be guided by calm reason, constitutional principles, and the 
public law of the civilized world, and not be misled by passion or pre- 
judice, nor be ensnared by humanitarian or revolutionary ideas and 
theories. 

There are some general principles which I regard as landmarks m 
the investigation of this subject. I shall, at this time, attempt nothiuL' 
more than to briefly state them : 

A third of the nation has rebelled, and, as far as it can, has thrown 
off its allegiance to the United States, apd claims to have established 



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a constitution of its own. The General Government is endeavoring 
to suppress the rebellion, and extend the authority of its Constitution 
and laws over the rebellious districts. It "is striving to enforce its laws 
and extend its jurisdiction in fact over the rebels and the territory 
they occupy. Out of this arises a very obvious principle: that those 
who are endeavoring to enforce the Constitution and laws ought to obey 
them.- This includes all the laws and every constitutional provision, 
without any exception whatever. 

We are in a state of war, and by arms are endeavoring to suppress 
a rebellion and preserve the integrity of tlie Union. Vast armies, and 
naval expeditions of formidable proportions, are being used as instru- 
ments in the accomplishment of this purpose. Out of this arises 
another obvious principle : that whatever is not prohibited by the 
national Constitution^ or the public laio, and is clearly a military 
necessity, is lawful and right. This embraces the power to seize and 
condemn property and to confiscate debts. Any action of Congress 
concerning the forfeiture of property ought, in my judgment, to be 
of such a nature as will tend to induce citizens of rebel States to return 
to their allegiance, rather than to confirm and render them desperate 
in their present attitude of disloyalty. I shall not now go into details 
on this or any other proposition which I may state. 

In all investigations of this subject it is necessary to assume that 
the rebellion can and will be put down, and the authority of the gov- 
ernment submitted to in every portion of the country as it was prior 
to the breaking out of the rebellion. This implies the use of such 
means as are necessary and adequate to the accomplishment of the 
end, ivhich must be attained at all hazards. In order to accomplish 
this end, it is not, in my opinion, indispensable that we should attempt 
to abolish slavery by an act of Congress, either directly or indirectly. 
Whether Congress has the power, as some assert, to pass an act 
emancipating the slaves in the revolted States, in case such act of 
emancipation were necessary to subdue the rebellion, need not, there- 
fore, be considered or discussed. Surely, all who still recognize and 
seek to enforce the authority of the Constitution must admit that 
slavery, as such, cannot be interferred with any more than any other 
species of property can be, because it happens to be property. 

So far from an act of emancipation being necessary for the accom- 
plishment of the end in view — in the prosecution of the war — I believe 
the predominant public sentiment in the loyal States, the known views 
and feelings of a large majority of the Army of the Union, as well as 
the state of the contest at this time, suggest and urge the maintenance 
of the policy of avoiding any unnecessary interference, by legislative 
enactments, with the institution of slavery in the States. No more 



slaves should be emancipated by the act of the Government than may 
be necessary in the progress of the war. 

The argument of the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania 
[Mr. Stevens] did not convince me of the necessity of emancipating 
all the slaves in the several States in order to prevent another 
rebellion. On the contrary, my firm conviction is that this one can 
be suppressed, and those engalged in it, or the great mass of them, 
kept in subjection to the Government, without any general act of 
emancipation by Congress, or the liberation of all the slaves of the 
South in any mode whatever. 

As one of the inevitable consequences of the rebellion and its sup- 
pression, the 2)olitical power of slavery will be broken, and "the insti- 
tution" restored to its constitutional status as the creature of local 
law. Hence it will be thenceforth incapable of mischief, and can never 
again put the Constitution or the Union in peril. It will be put in 
the course of gradual and final extinction. This will result under the 
operation of the laws of Providence, from placing limitations and 
restrictions upon its political power and territorial limits. 

I regard the rebellion as a war waged by political leaders and men 
in arms against the lawful authority of the Government, and endeavor- 
ing to overthrow it. Therefore the object of the Government should 
be to vanquish and destroy the rebel army with superior Union forces, 
and then promptly punish the leaders for treason according to the 
Constitution and laws. 

Any action of Congress on this subject ought, in my judgment, to 
grow out of the^JM6//c necessity, and be clearly referable to that as its 
origin. This I think is due to the honor and integrity of the nation, 
and to the loyal citizens of the rebellious districts. 

Moderation is perfectly consistent with firmness; and the enlight- 
ened public sentiment of the country demands that the former as well 
as the latter shall appear in all the proceedings of Congress relating 
to the rebellion. Intemperance and weakness are so associated in the 
minds of all men, that the exhibition of the former in an adversary is 
regarded as an indication of defeat. 

The doctrines laid down by the President in his messages to Con- 
gress are the doctrines upon which the war can be constitutionally 
prosecuted to a successful and glorious termination. I understand 
him to recommend substantially the policy so explicitly and frankly 
stated in the resolutions introduced into this House at its special ses- 
sion, by the patriotic and distinguished gentleman from Kentucky, 
(Mr. Crittenden,) which were adopted almost unanimously, and 
heartily sanctioned by nearly every loyal citizen of the Union, Their 
meaning is, as I understand them, that we will in good faith abide by 



the Constitution, prosecute the war with vigor, and as one of the 
means of success, right and just in itself, that we will, as far as prac- 
iicahle, protect the constitutional rights of the citizens of all the States. 
Whenever the property of the enemy falls into the hands of our mil- 
itary authorities, it is suhject, I think, to confisc3.tion, and I do not 
see how we can, under such circumstances, make any exception as to 
the slaves of persons who have voluntarily, and actually taken up 
arms against the Government, This is an incident arising out of a 
state of war; but it is not in the slightest degree the object of the 
war. I confess that in case the insurrectionary States shall so conduct 
and prolong the contest as to compel the General Government to con- 
quer them, it may be that the institution of slavery in those States 
cannot survive the shock ; not because we shall seek to destroy it — 
for so long as we hold to the Union we cannot do that — but for the 
simple reason that the habits of subordination and obedience on which 
the institution of slavery rests, may be broken up by war and the 
presence of hostile armies. 

Our salvation as a nation in this crisis depends, I verily believe, 
upon our adhering in good faith, to the Constitution in all its length 
and breadth. Notwithstanding this proposition seems to me so plain 
that '' he who runs may read" it in every fact and event of our past 
glorious history and present unfortunate situation as a nation, theories 
have been put forth in the discussion of this subject, even by distin- 
guished lawyers of this House, which I think are manifestly and utter- 
ly repugnant to the Constitution, Nay, sir, the startling position has 
been announced and advocated in highly colored and impassioned 
language, that the Constitution itself is no longer operative; and that 
therefore it is not now binding upon the public agents appointed by 
the people to administer, protect, and defend it, and who have taken 
a solemn oath to support it. 

But notwithstanding it has been assailed, and its authority denied 
here as elsewhere, I trust the Constitution of the United States, and. 
the necessity of its observance and maintenance, require no defence 
in this Hall, especially in this period and crisis of our country's histo- 
ry. This Constitution was adopted three quarters of a. century ago. 
It was framed by a convention of heroic, patriotic, wise men. Their 
heroism and patriotism were triumphantly demonstrated upon every 
battle-field of the American Revolution ; their wisdom was most sig- 
nally exemplified in the formation of the Constitution of the United 
States. This great charter has been since its adoption, is still, and I 
trust, will be "until the last syllable of recorded time," the pride and 
glory and shield of every true American, as well as the admiration 
and boast and hope of every friend of constitutional freedom through- 



out tht world. It was the only instrumentality by which republican 
liberty upon this continent was secured ; ils preservation and mainten- 
ance are the only means hy lohich that liberty can be jierpctuated. 
Under the operation of its wise and benencent provisions, the Ameri- 
can people have enjoyed more freedom and greater prosperity and 
happiness than any other people on the globe were ever blessed with. 
Through its instrumentality they have attained a higher, more honor- 
able, and more influential position among the nations of tlie world 
than was ever attained by any other people in the same period of 
time. By means of the .invigorating, fostering, and free system of 
government which it put into active operation, the American people 
have risen from the feeble condition of thirteen weak republics on the 
eastern coast of North America to the commanding position of thirty- 
four powerful States, united under one superintending national head, 
and, by means of the national unity thereby created, have become one 
of the leading powers of the earth. 

A vast majority of the American people remain true to their obli- 
gations and allegiance, and still appreciate the manifold and immense 
benefits and blessings which they have derived, and will in the future 
derive, from the establishment and maintenance of the Constitution 
and the Union ; and they have irrevocably determined that neither 
shall be destroyed by an combination or conspiracy, upon any pretext 
whatever. And, Mr. Chairman, the reason why the loyal citizens of the 
country have willed that the rebellion shall be put down at all hazards 
is, that those who wickedly planned it, and who are as infamously car- 
rying it on, are endeavoring to overthrowing the national Constitution, 
sunder our national Union, and strike democratic republican govern- 
ments from the American continent. The people believe that this 
Constitution secured republican liberty on this continent to the gene- 
ration in which it was formed and their posterity, and that the preser- 
vation and perpetuation of that liberty are dependant upon their un- 
flinching fidelity to the Constitution and the Union, as originally con- 
stituted and transmitted to them by their heroic, patriotic and wise 
ancestry as a priceless legacy. They firmly believe, too, that the 
Constitution is as obligatory now as it was when the Government was 
put into operation by its adoption, and that whenever it shall become 
inoperative, the Government will perish, and the doom of the Ameri- 
can will be sealed forever. 

In my judgment, Mr. Chairman, the predominant sentiment of the 
2)eople of all the loyal States is, that the war must be efficiently pros- 
ecuted in conformity to the Constitution, and for its maintenance and 
j)reservation, and in no other way, and for the accomplishment of no 
other purpose ; and that whoeveB shall place himself in the way of 



6 

the speediest possible attainment of that end, consistently with the 
rules of civilized warfare, must be regarded as an enemy of the Amer- 
ican people, and a foe of the human race. 

In this connection, too, I will say, that in the West, and among 
those who have been the most active and efficient supporters of the 
Government since the commencement of our national troubles, the 
liveliest and most heartfelt sympathies exist and are expressed on behalf 
of the loyal men of Kentucky, Missouri, and Tennessee. The people 
of the West cherish the Union sentiment wherever it exists ; and 
hence they have done and will do all in their power to protect and 
strengthen loyal citizens wherever and whenever they need protection, 
and manifest a willingness to defend themselves and to aid in uphold- 
ing the Union. The ardent hope and the fervent prayer of the people 
of the West is, that the Union sentiment in many of the southern 
States may so strengthen and spread that ere long it may render effi- 
cient and active service in accomplishing the object of the General 
Government in this struggle for national existence. Recent events 
give encouragement to that hope. 

Notwithstanding the Army of the Union has not defeated the rebels 
upon every battle-field, yet if the executive and legislative depart- 
ments of the Government firmly, sincerely, zealously, and wisely sus- 
tain the policy of an efficient prosecution of the war solely for the 
maintenance of the Constitution and the integrity of the Union, as 
nearly as may be upon the principles on which Washington and his 
compatriots founded them, and the ofiicers of the national Army and 
Navy shall faithfully, skillfully, and efficiently command the large and 
heroic forces under their control, and the citizens of the loyal States 
shall continue united as one man, and shall not become distracted 
and divided by reason of wrangling disputes and irreconcileable dif- 
ferences touching impracticable theories, the rebellion can and will be 
efifectually subdued ; and then the American people will be secure and 
happy in the enjoyment of the freest, best, and wisest, as well as the 
most powerful and enduring Government in the world ; the more 
powerful and enduring from the very fact of having been put to the 
present test of its strength and efficiency. By steadily and in good 
faith adhering to the original objects of the contest on our part, as 
heretofore declared by both the executive and the legislative depart- 
ments of the Government, our millions of loyal hearts will continue 
firmly knit together in ardent devotion to a great and just cause, and 
the zeal and unity of purpose and action of our hundreds of thousands 
of soldiers will be sustained and stimulated. And thus with a united 
people, and an army and a navy inspired and moved with devotional 
courage for the defence of the integrity of the Union, the supremacy 



of the Constitution, and the preservation of republican liberty upon 
this continent, the traitorous enemies of all these, in arms seeking their 
destruction, cannot but be vanquished. I shrink from an effort to de- 
pict the disastrous and horrid consequences which, in my judgment, 
will result if a different object or a contrary policy should be adopted. 

Our essential needs in this critical juncture of our domestic troubles 
are, that Congress shall do all in its power to provide for the present 
and future wants of the Treasury ; the adoption of a just, equal, and 
ample system of taxation ; the prevention of frauds upon the Govern- 
ment and oui;- patriotic volunteers; the strictest integrity and economy 
in the expenditures of the civil and military service of the United 
States ; and "above all, decisive victories over the rebel army. Until 
these shall be secured, let us put aside — as the intelligent and patriotic 
citizens of the country demand we shall put aside — all extraneous and 
distracting subjects and questions. The great problems which the 
progress of events may present for decision can be most judiciously 
determined when they become practical questions requiring settlement. 
I pray the wisdom of Congress may be equal to the wise and just de- 
termination of them when they shall thus arise, and after full and 
deliberate reflection and future events shall have enlightened our 
judgments upon them. After the thunderbolt of war shall have 
cleared our national horizon, we shall be enabled to see mueb more 
plainly the truth and the true policy concerning many subjects in re- 
gard to which we now entertain serious and perplexing doubts — espe- 
cially questions relative to the destiny of the Africans upon this 
i-ontinent. 

A few words of encouragement and hope, and I ara done. No 
Government ever encountered greater perils than ours has surviounted 
during the last twelve months. This fact strengthens my faith in her 
final and complete triumph. The people of the loyal States remain 
fervently and firmly devoted to the great cause. Civilian critics have 
not succeeded in breaking down the popular patience and confidence. 
Although the sympathizers with rebellion have been instant, in and 
out of season, in striving to drive the people to impatience, despera- 
tion, and rage, and notwithstanding some of the friends of the country 
have joined in this habitual disparagement of our military men, the 
sustaining courage of the people endures ; and it will endure, restinor, 
as it does, upon the sound, discriminating common sense, and pure, 
active patriotism of the loyal masses. The brave men — and, in every 
sense, the Union men — of Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky, battling un- 
der the "gorgeous ensign of the Republic," and for the inspiring prin- 
ciples it represents, have just achieved a brilliant victory over a part 
of the rebel and traitorous hordes whose leaders revengefully deter- 



8 

mined to attempt the desolation of one of the fairest and most gallant 
States of the Southwest, because they could not seduce her from her 
allegiance to the national Government. Other and more brilliant 
achievements of the national arms, very shortly to be accomplished, I 
trust, will further strengthen the sustaining courage of the loyal masses 
of the people, which is just as necesssary to our ultimate success as is 
a large and brave army itself. These achievements will, I doubt not, 
convince all of us that civilian critics, and the agitators of impractica- 
ble humanitarian theories, are alike mischievous in the midst of a 
great contest for national existence, which Can only be efficiently 
prosecuted when vigorously sustained by the interest and "onfidence 
and union of all loyal people, and which can only be 'decided and 
terminated by bloody conflicts upon the battle-field. 



L. T0WBB8, A CO., printers. 



